News Articles

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(Note: Here we collect the articles which give us a thinking. We hope you should also read them and think over as we do. However, the views expressed in the articles are not necessarily the same as ours.)

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Activating a North Korea policy
By John W. Lewis and Robert Carlin

Summary:
- After a spring and summer filled with rocket and nuclear tests, relations with North Korea have calmed.
- Washington should use this period of quiet to its advantage by abandoning its current hard-line strategy against Pyongyang in favor of a strategy of engagement.
- Such a change will better help the United States reach its ultimate goal--a denuclearized North Korea.

It is routine in U.S. foreign policy for a pot not boiling over to be moved to the back burner. Precisely because the North Korean issue is not boiling, however, might offer an all-too-rare chance to make progress with Pyongyang. Over the past several months, the North has signaled publicly and privately that it is in engagement mode. In Washington, arguments abound about whether or not this is a stall tactic or a trick, but we'll never know if we don't move ahead with serious and sustained probing of the North's position. So long as our government sticks to an all-or-nothing approach in terms of Pyongyang, the opportunity to advance vital U.S. security interests in northeast Asia could be lost.

Underlying Washington's current position are two beliefs, so firmly held that they approach dogma. The first is that we should wait until the situation with North Korea breaks in our favor or sanctions force North Korean leadership to reassess its attachment to nuclear weapons. A year into the Obama administration, this waiting borders on self-imposed paralysis even though North Korea remains capable of badly damaging regional stability as well as U.S. nonproliferation goals. So instead of positively defining and shaping the realities on the ground, we have taken shelter behind fixed positions: enforcing U.N. Security Council sanctions and demanding that the North make progress on denuclearization at the Six-Party Talks. These may be useful parts of an overall policy, but they cannot be effective by themselves and must be handled carefully.

Sanctions will inevitably get in the way of diplomatic progress, and there needs to be a way to use their loosening--as much as their tightening--in support of negotiations. Moreover, Washington's single-minded insistence that the North return to the Six-Party Talks actually has ceded to Pyongyang a great deal of tactical initiative. There is nothing the North Koreans love more than leaping over our heads to a new position just as we think we have them cornered. As such, in mid-January, they reversed their opposition to talks in the framework of the September 2005 Six-Party joint statement and have proposed that talks proceed on all fronts simultaneously.

The second part of Washington's dogma is that there is no sense in negotiating with Pyongyang because history shows that agreements with North Korea always fail and the United States ends up snookered. But the idea that our deals with the North have all been useless is based on a flawed reading of the record, a lingering misrepresentation of the accomplishments of the 1994 U.S.-North Korea Agreed Framework. In fact, the utility of that agreement (which lasted from 1994 until 2002) is still evident. Without it, North Korea would have produced far more fissile material and a significantly larger arsenal of nuclear weapons. Two hulking, unfinished North Korean nuclear reactors testify to its lasting legacy.

Reinforcing the belief that we don't need to, or shouldn't, pursue an active policy toward North Korea is the Obama administration's apparent concern that it will be vulnerable to charges of being "weak" if it approaches Pyongyang from anything but the toughest position possible. Thus, on the grounds that the September 2005 joint statement calls for progress on the North's denuclearization before talks can begin on replacing the 1953 Korean Armistice with permanent peace arrangements, Washington rejected out of hand Pyongyang's recent proposals to move on both issues simultaneously. We may find it difficult to hold that position because it is neither what the joint statement actually says nor what some of the other parties (especially the Chinese) intended.

The fundamental U.S. goal is exactly right: We want North Korea to denuclearize and to return to the international nuclear nonproliferation regime. But stating the goal isn't the same as moving closer to it. To do so, we must accomplish things that can help stabilize the situation, make it less likely that the strategic threat from the North will get worse, and begin exploring with Pyongyang a range of ideas for reducing tensions on the Korean Peninsula and in the region. A couple of mid-term steps could include a halt in nuclear testing and long-range ballistic missile launches, along with a complete freeze of the Yongbyon nuclear center, which would involve further decommissioning and a return of international inspectors.

These interim steps won't "solve" the nuclear problem, but they aren't beyond what we can accomplish. They will do considerably more to protect our interests and those of our allies than the current all-or-nothing policy, which is going nowhere fast.

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Korean People's Faith in Socialism
Pyongyang, December 11 (KCNA) -- Since the Korean people's faith in socialism is absolute and unshakable, the socialist society of Korea has won victory after victory without vacillation in any adversity.
Korea's, established by President Kim Il Sung and led by the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK), is a socialist society realizing the ideal and wish of the popular masses on the basis of the Juche idea.

General Secretary Kim Jong Il clearly elucidated the validity and vitality of Juche-oriented theories of socialism in many famous works including "Our Socialism Centered on the Masses Shall Not Perish", "Socialism Is a Science" and "Abuses of Socialism Are Intolerable".

The Korean people have firmly adhered to their own ideology, line and method of revolution with the faith in socialism.
All the Korean people are advancing towards the future under the Songun-based leadership of the WPK. This is a manifestation of the superiority and inexhaustible viability of Korean-style socialism and the Korean people's unshakable will to entrust their destiny to socialism.

The Korean people, out of their faith in socialism, have implacably frustrated the reactionary offensives of imperialists holding high the banner of Songun.
The Songun-based politics of the WPK is invincible one proved through rigorous trials of history and a treasured sword for the accomplishment of the cause of socialism.

It is the unwavering belief of the Korean people that thanks to the Songun-based politics the sovereignty and dignity of the country and nation are surely defended and the socialist cause of Juche will emerge victorious without fail.
With this faith in socialism, the Korean people are working hard to build a great socialist nation prosperous and powerful, giving a full play to patriotic devotion and popular heroism.

Now the socialist society of Korea is greeting a heyday of prosperity.
The revolutionary Korean people strong in faith and spirit will further consolidate the Korean-style socialist society as an impregnable fortress under the veteran and experienced leadership of Kim Jong Il.

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DPRK Completes Reprocessing of Spent Fuel Rods
Pyongyang, November 3 (KCNA) -- Six months have passed since the United States brought up the DPRK's launch of a satellite for peaceful purposes for discussion at the UN Security Council in last April, putting into effect sanctions against it.

In this period, the DPRK restarted the reprocessing facilities and successfully completed the reprocessing of 8,000 spent fuel rods by the end of August as part of the measure taken to restore the nuclear facilities in Nyongbyon to their original state which had been disabled under the agreement reached by the six parties.

The DPRK had already clarified that this action taken by the UNSC itself was a wanton infringement upon the sovereignty of the DPRK and a grave insult to the dignity of its people as it legitimately conducted the satellite launch after going through international legal procedures.

The DPRK which regards the security of the country and the sovereignty of the nation as its life and soul was compelled to take measures for bolstering up its deterrent for self-defence to cope with the increasing nuclear threat and military provocations of the hostile forces.

Noticeable successes have been made in turning the extracted plutonium weapon-grade for the purpose of bolstering up the nuclear deterrent in the DPRK.

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Day of NAM Observed
Pyongyang, September 1 (KCNA) -- The objective and idea of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) are sure to come true as it is aimed to achieve peace and social prosperity under the banner of independence against imperialism, says Minju Joson Tuesday in a signed article dedicated to Day of the Non-Aligned Movement.

The NAM, which groups 118 countries or nearly two thirds of the UN member nations, is now functioning as the biggest political organization representing developing countries in the international arena. It regarded it as its noble mission to eliminate imperialism and colonialism from the world arena, put an end to all forms of domination and subjugation and build a new world, independent and peaceful, and has creditably fulfilled it in its activities.

The imperialist reactionaries have run the whole gamut of schemes to weaken and destroy the NAM, but it is exercising influence to be reckoned with in the development of the world situation and in the settlement of international issues, notes the article.

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U.S. Secretary of State's Anti-DPRK Rhetoric Blasted
Pyongyang, July 23 (KCNA) -- A spokesman for the Foreign Ministry of the DPRK Thursday gave the following answer to a question raised by KCNA, blasting the anti-DPRK vituperation let loose by U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton:

She has made a spate of vulgar remarks unbecoming for her position everywhere she went since she was sworn in.
She said during her recent trip to India that "north Korea should not receive the attention it is seeking through behavior like missile launches," likening Pyongyang's behavior to that of unruly children. Her words suggest that she is by no means intelligent.

The DPRK has taken necessary measures to protect the nation's sovereignty and right to existence to cope with the U.S. hostile policy and nuclear threat, not to attract anyone's attention.

The U.S., however, is taking the lead in making much ado about nothing.
It was the U.S. that helped the DPRK to become the world focus.

We cannot but regard Mrs. Clinton as a funny lady as she likes to utter such rhetoric, unaware of the elementary etiquette in the international community.

Sometimes she looks like a primary schoolgirl and sometimes a pensioner going shopping.
Anyone making misstatements has to pay for them.

It is our view that she can make even a little contribution to the implementation of the U.S. administration's foreign policy as secretary of State only when she has understanding of the world, to begin with.

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Why Punishing North Korea Won¡¯t Work . . . and What Will -Leon V. Sigal
Despite the promise of change, the Obama administration has started to address North Korea just as the Clinton and Bush administrations did--accusing it of wrongdoing and trying to punish it for its transgressions. As Pyongyang's recent nuclear test demonstrates, the crime-and-punishment approach has never worked in the past and it won't work now. Instead, sustained diplomatic give-and-take is the only way to stop future North Korean nuclear and missile tests and convince it to halt its nuclear program.

Pyongyang was not alone in failing to keep its agreements. Unfortunately, Washington, Tokyo, and Seoul didn't manage to keep theirs either.

The current crisis truly began last June when North Korea handed China a written declaration of its plutonium program, as it was obliged to do under the October 3, 2007 Six-Party joint statement on second-phase actions. In a side agreement with Washington, Pyongyang committed to disclose its uranium enrichment and proliferation activities, including the help it had provided for Syria's nuclear reactor.

Many in Washington, Tokyo, and Seoul were quick to question whether the declaration was "complete and correct," prompting the Bush administration to demand arrangements to verify the declaration before completing disabling and moving on to permanent dismantlement of North Korea's plutonium facilities. However, the October 2007 accord had no provision for verification.

The day Pyongyang turned over its declaration, the White House announced its intention to relax sanctions under the Trading with the Enemy Act and to delist North Korea as a "state sponsor of terrorism"--but with an important proviso. As Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice told the Heritage Foundation on June 18, "[B]efore those actions go into effect, we would continue to assess the level of North Korean cooperation in helping to verify the accuracy and completeness of its declaration. And if that cooperation is insufficient, we will respond accordingly." She acknowledged Washington was moving the goal posts: "What we've done, in a sense, is move up issues that were to be taken up in phase three, like verification, like access to the reactor, into phase two."

In bilateral talks with the United States, North Korea agreed to establish a Six-Party verification mechanism and allow visits to declared nuclear facilities, a review of documents, and interviews with technical personnel--commitments later codified in a July 12 Six-Party communiqu?. Pyongyang also committed to cooperate on verification in the dismantlement phase.

But Tokyo and Seoul demanded more, and President George W. Bush tried to change the terms of the agreement again. The United States handed the North Koreans a draft verification protocol and on July 30 announced it had delayed delisting North Korea as a "state sponsor of terrorism" until they accepted it. Pyongyang retaliated by suspending the disabling at its plutonium facilities at Yongbyon on August 14. Not long after, North Korea began restoring equipment at its Yongbyon facilities.

With disabling in jeopardy, U.S. negotiator Christopher Hill went to Pyongyang on October 1 with a less intrusive draft protocol in hand. His North Korean interlocutor Kim Gae Gwan agreed to allow "sampling and other forensic measures" at the three declared sites at Yongbyon--the reactor, reprocessing plant, and fuel fabrication plant. The United States believed that might suffice to ascertain how much plutonium North Korea had produced. Kim also accepted "access, based on mutual consent, to undeclared sites," according to the State Department. The oral understanding led President Bush to reverse course again on October 11 and delist North Korea as a "state sponsor of terrorism."

This move angered the hard-line Aso government in Tokyo. Seconded by an internally divided government in Seoul, it insisted that energy aid promised under the October 2007 accord be suspended until Pyongyang accepted a written protocol with more intrusive verification, and President Bush changed his stance. On December 11, the United States, Japan, and South Korea announced the decision.

In response to the renege, North Korea stopped disabling. In early February it began preparations to test-launch the Taepodong-2 in the guise of putting a satellite into orbit

Instead of learning from the Bush administration's mistakes, the Obama administration deferred to its allies. In Asia, on her first trip overseas, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton acted as if she were reading from the Rice playbook as she met with the Japanese abductees' kin, spoke of "tyranny" in North Korea, and speculated about a "succession struggle" in Pyongyang. Her words and deeds may have been music to the ears of hardliners in Tokyo and Seoul, but they struck the wrong note in Pyongyang.

In the run-up to the test-launch, the U.S. administration was torn between its desire to keep open the possibility of resuming negotiations with North Korea and demands from Japan and South Korea to punish Pyongyang. China, which thought sanctions wouldn't work but didn't want to bear the opprobrium in Washington for blocking U.N. action, helped temper a presidential statement by the Security Council castigating North Korea and calling for sanctions.

This slap on the wrist gave Pyongyang a pretext to enhance its nuclear leverage by reprocessing the spent fuel unloaded from the Yongbyon reactor in the disabling process. Extracting another bomb's worth of plutonium puts it in a position to conduct another nuclear test without reducing its small nuclear arsenal. Pyongyang also is threatening to step up its uranium enrichment effort, which could take years to yield significant quantities of highly enriched uranium. Much worse, in a matter of months, it also could restart its Yongbyon reactor to generate more plutonium. A new U.N. resolution would only give Pyongyang grounds for doing just that.

Many in Washington, Tokyo, and Seoul say Kim Jong Il will never give up his weapons or his nuclear and missile programs. The speculation encourages him to think he won't have to. The fact is, with the possible exception of Kim Jong Il himself, nobody truly knows. But the United States needs to find out.

The only way to do so is to probe through sustained diplomatic give-and-take. That requires offering meaningful steps toward a new political, economic, and strategic relationship--including diplomatic recognition, a summit meeting, a peace treaty to end the Korean war, negative security assurances, and a multilateral pledge not to introduce nuclear weapons into the Korea Peninsula as well as other benefits to its security, agricultural and energy assistance, and conventional power plants if possible or nuclear power plants if necessary. In return the United States would get steps toward full denuclearization.

This article appeared at The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists on May 29, 2009.
Leon V. Sigal directs the Northeast Cooperative Security Project at the Social Science Research Council in New York. He is the author of Disarming Strangers: Nuclear Diplomacy with North Korea.
Recommended citation: Leon V. Sigal, ¡°Why Punishing North Korea Won¡¯t Work: Toward Resolution of the US-North Korea Conflict,¡± The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 23-1-09, June 8, 2009.

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Obituary: Roh Moo-hyun
Former South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun, who has died after falling into a ravine, was a controversial figure whose administration ended last year dogged by scandal and infighting.

At the time of his death, which police are treating as a possible suicide, 62-year-old Mr Roh was under investigation for receiving millions of dollars in bribes from a businessman while in office.

With his relative youth, lowly beginnings and promises to root out endemic political corruption, he seemed when he took power in 2003 to be the new start the country needed.

But his term in office was a rollercoaster ride. His Uri party was hit by scandal and in-fighting, and there was fierce public opposition to several of his policies.

He was even suspended early in 2004, after parliament voted to impeach him over a breach of election rules, but the Constitutional Court later overturned the move and he was reinstated.

Campaigning lawyer

A human rights lawyer by trade, President Roh first made headlines soon after he entered politics in 1988, when he grilled top officials from the previous administration during a special parliamentary hearing on graft.

He had been one of the leaders of the "June Struggle" in 1987, against the dictatorship of Chun Doo-hwan. He served a three-week jail sentence that year for abetting striking workers.

Born to poor peasant parents in the south-eastern region of Kimhae, Mr Roh initially studied law as a means of escaping poverty.
But in 1981 his work brought him in contact with a case of human rights abuse which he says changed his aspirations forever.

Mr Roh was asked to defend one of two dozen students arrested for possessing banned literature, for which they were detained and tortured for almost two months.
"When I saw their horrified eyes and their missing toenails, my comfortable life as a lawyer came to an end," Mr Roh is quoted as saying.

Following nationwide protests which pushed Mr Chun out of office, Mr Roh entered politics by winning election to the National Assembly as a member of a pro-democracy party led by the activist Kim Young-sam, who later became president.

Mr Roh was helped to leadership by a public disillusioned with scandal and South Korea's close relationship with the US. Ironically, it was scandal and political infighting that also blighted Mr Roh's time in office.

Mass defections

Within a year of taking office, Mr Roh and his supporters formed the Uri Party (which means Our Party).
But in March 2004, parliament voted to impeach Mr Roh for breaching a minor election law, and he was forced into two months of political limbo.

The impeachment came about because the conservative opposition - which at the time dominated South Korea's parliament - said the president had contravened the country's voting rules by openly supporting the Uri party in the run-up to assembly elections.

The move humiliated Mr Roh, worried markets and drove thousands of people onto the streets in protest.

In May the Constitutional Court overturned the verdict, saying Mr Roh had violated the law, but not gravely enough to warrant his removal from office.

The Uri Party made a strong showing in assembly elections that April, and the president emerged in a much stronger position to push his reformist agenda in parliament.

But a series of unpopular decisions, including sending Korean troops to Iraq, a failed attempt to move the capital from Seoul and the continuation of a policy of engagement with North Korea saw Mr Roh's popularity ratings plummet again.
His government was also accused of incompetency over its handling of the economy and in foreign affairs.

Last month, Mr Roh was questioned over allegations that he had taken millions of dollars in bribes from a wealthy businessman. He later apologised for the scandal.

In a statement posted on his website, he admitted his wife received a substantial sum of money from the businessman, but suggested it was not a bribe but a payment to help her settle a debt.

Mr Roh leaves his wife and childhood sweetheart Kwon Yang-sook, a son and a daughter.
He said he enjoyed mountain climbing and bowling. He spent his two months of impeachment reading and hiking around the hills behind his official residence.

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North Korean rocket flew further than earlier thought
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BY CRAIG COVAULT

New details emerging from the analysis of data from North Korea's April 5 Taepo-Dong-2 test indicate the vehicle flew successfully several hundred miles further than previously believed and used more advanced steering than has been demonstrated by the North Korean's before.
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The rocket impacted as far as 2,390 miles from the launch site as opposed to about 1,900 miles as earlier announced by the U. S. and Japan.
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Smoke puffs from the side of the vehicle at the moment of liftoff and after, indicate the rocket could have been equipped with attitude control thrusters.
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It also temporarily flew in space before failing and dropping back into the atmosphere at relatively slow speed that enabled debris to survive till impact rather than burning up.
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The updated analysis indicates the failure occurred when the solid propellant third stage of the vehicle failed to separate properly after the second stage fired normally. After burnout the second stage coasted upward into space where the third stage was supposed to separate and fire, but did not.
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Earlier it was believed that the second stage had failed early in its burn.
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The rocket also demonstrated more advanced steering and other advances that could enhance its deployment as a silo-based ballistic missile.
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The Japanese Ministry of Defense and U.S. Defense Dept. now believe that the second stage of the rocket performed as planned rather than failing early in its flight phase.
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The new information comes from updated radar tracking calculations and possibly also U.S. Air Force Defense Support Program (DSP) missile warning satellite data.
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The bottom line is that the North Korean vehicle flew as much as 500 miles further over the Pacific toward Hawaii than U.S. and Japanese forces had announced initially.
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The new data now indicates that the second stage fell in the impact zone the North Koreans had earlier warned shipping and aircraft away from, instead of falling short of that zone as earlier indicated by the U.S. and Japan.
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The vehicle's second stage uses a Scud-ER (extended range) rocket engine that employs "step-throttling" in its propulsion to stretch the second stage burn duration to gain range and velocity.
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For the April 5 space launch mission the second stage was to use the same step-throttling technique, according to Charles Vick of Global Security.org. In years past Vick has provided accurate and detailed rocket analysis data to varied users, including the Congressional Research Service.
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The rocket performance data indicate that during the April 5 flight, the second stage did ignite after separation from the first stage, says Vick.
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The vehicle was flying in space at this time above 50 miles altitude, just above the outer fringes of Earth's atmosphere.
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Earlier data indicated that the failure occurred during this throttle-down sequence to as low as 65 percent thrust.
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But the new data shows the second stage performed this critical activity as planned, Vick told Spaceflight Now.
ÇÏÁö¸¸ »õ·Î¿î ÀÚ·áµéÀº 2´Ü°è ÃßÁøü°¡ À§ °úÁ¤À» °èȹµÈ´ë·Î Àß ¼öÇàÇßÀ½À» º¸¿©ÁØ´Ù°í ºòÀÌ ½ºÆäÀ̽º ÇöóÀÕ ³ª¿ì ÀâÁö¿¡ ¸»Çß´Ù.

The updated impact point was calculated from U.S. sensor data as the vehicle flew out of range of Japanese radars about 1,000 miles east of Japan.
ÃÖ±Ù¿¡ ³ª¿Â źÂøÁöÁ¡ÀÌ ¹Ì±¹ÀÇ (¹Ì»çÀÏ?) °¨½Ã(?)ÀÚ·á(sensor data) µé·ÎºÎÅÍ °è»êµÇ¾îÁ³´Âµ¥, ·ÎÄÏÀº ÀϺ» ·¹ÀÌ´õµéÀÇ Æ÷Âø°¡´É ¹üÀ§¸¦ ¹þ¾î³ª¼­ ÀϺ»ÀÇ µ¿ÂÊÀ¸·Î ´ë·« 1000¸¶ÀÏÀ» ³¯¾Æ°£ °ÍÀ¸·Î ¹àÇôÁ³´Ù.

Details visible in the North Korean state television video of launch have also been analyzed further, turning up at least two major news issues on vehicle guidance and design.
ºÏÇÑ Æ¼ºêÀÌ ¹æ¼ÛÀÌ ¹æ¿µÇÑ ºñµð¿À·ÎºÎÅÍ ·ÎÄÏÀÇ À¯µµÃ¼°è¿Í ¼³°è¿¡ ´ëÇÑ µÎ °¡Áö Áß¿äÇÑ Á¤º¸µéÀÌ ºñµð¿À °üÂû·ÎºÎÅÍ ºÐ¼®µÇ¾îÁ³´Ù.

Smoke puffs from the side of the vehicle at the moment of liftoff and after, indicate the rocket could have been equipped with attitude control thrusters.
¹ß»ç ¼ø°£¿¡ ·ÎÄÏ ¿·¿¡¼­ »õ¾î³ª¿À´Â ¿¬±â´Â ±× ·ÎÄÏÀÌ ÀÚ¼¼Á¦¾îÀåÄ¡¸¦ °¡Áö°í ÀÖÀ½À» ÀǹÌÇÑ´Ù.

This was not observed during the first Taepo-Dong-2 launch in 1998 and could indicate much more advanced steering capability than the rocket nozzle steering vane system used in the much more crude Scud launcher.
±×·¯ÇÑ ±â¼úÀº 1998³â ¹ß»çµÈ ´ëÆ÷µ¿2¿¡´Â ¾ø¾ú´ø ±â¼úÀÌ°í, ¿ø½ÃÀû ½ºÄ¿µå ¹ß»çü¿¡¼­ »ç¿ëµÇ´Â ³ëÁñ½Ä Á¦¾îüÁ¦ º¸´Ù´Â ÈξÀ ´õ ÁøÀüµÈ ±â¼úÀÓÀ» ÀǹÌÇÒ ¼ö ÀÖ´Ù.

The puffs jet from the side of the vehicle at where the second and third stages meet. The most visible puffs occur a split second before ignition (see picture above) and then again at liftoff. A Japanese enhancement of the video indicates that the puffs continue as the vehicle climbs out and pitches over to accelerate, says Vick.
»õ¾î³ª¿À´Â ¿¬±â´Â 2´Ü°è ¹× 3´Ü°è ÃßÁøüµé »çÀÌ¿¡¼­ ³ª¿Â´Ù. ±× ¿¬±â¸¦ °¡Àå Àß º¼ ¼ö ÀÖ´Â ¶§´Â 2´Ü°è°¡ Á¡È­ Àü¿¡ ºÐ¸® µÉ ¶§, ±×¸®°í ÀÌ·ú½ÃÀÌ´Ù. ºò¾¾°¡ ¸»Çϱ⸦ ÀϺ»ÀÇ µðºñ¿À Á¤¹ÐºÐ¼®¿¡ ÀÇÇϸé , ·ÎÄÏÀÌ ÀÌ·úÇÏ°í, ±×¸®°í °¡¼Ó°úÁ¤¿¡¼­µµ ±× ¿¬±â°¡ °è¼Ó »õ¾î³ª¿À´Â °ÍÀ» ¾Ë ¼ö ÀÖ´Ù.

There are also indications in the video that the North Koreans added a structural covering over the entire third stage of the rocket once it was on the pad to form a constant volume outer diameter between the upper stage and the payload shroud.
ºñµð¿À ºÐ¼®¿¡ ÀÇÇϸé, 3´Ü ÃßÁøü Àüü¸¦ µ¤¾î¾º¿ì´Â ±¸Á¶·Î µÇ¾î Àִµ¥, ±×°ÍÀº źµÎ ºÎºÐ°ú »ó´Ü ºÎºÐÀÇ Á÷°æÀ» ÀÏÁ¤ÇÏ°Ô À¯ÁöÇÏ°íÀÚ ÇÏ´Â °ÍÀÌ´Ù.

Earlier DigitalGlobe WorldView 1 commercial satellite imagery of the vehicle when it first arrived on the pad showed a more narrow upper stage with a bulbous payload shroud. The liftoff views of the vehicle show a constant outer diameter. Japanese enhancement of the imagery show the same changes, Vick said.
µðÁöÅÐ ±Û·Îºê»ç »ó¾÷À§¼ºÀÇ ÀÌÀü »çÁø¿¡¼­´Â »ó´Ü ºÎºÐÀÌ °ø ¸ð¾çÀÇ ÅºµÎ ºÎºÐÀ» °¡Áö°í ÀÖ¾ú´Ù. ºò¾¾°¡ ¸»Çϱ⸦, ±× À§¼º »çÁøÀ» ÀϺ»ÀÌ È®´ëÇÑ ¹ß»çÀå¸é »çÁø¿¡¼­´Â ÀÌ·ú½Ã¿¡ ÀÏÁ¤ÇÑ ¿Ü°û Á÷°æÀ» º¸¿©ÁÖ°í ÀÖ´Ù.

Why the North Koreans would want to place an extra fuselage covering over the third stage could relate to vehicle aerodynamics or flight temperature extremes the upper stage may experience.
3´Ü ÃßÁøü Àüü¸¦ µ¤¾î¾º¿î ÀÌÀ¯´Â ¾Æ¸¶µµ ·ÎÄÏÀÇ Ç×°ø¿ªÇÐÀû °üÁ¡À̰ųª »ó´Ü ºÎºÐÀÌ °ßµ®³»¾ßÇÒ ±ØµµÀÇ °í¿Â°ú °ü·ÃÀÌ ÀÖÀ» ¼ö ÀÖ´Ù.

But it would be much easier to install such a fairing before erection on the pad unless there were access ports to the satellite payload or upper stage used during pad processing that needed to remain open for access during early processing.
±×·¯³ª ·ÎÄÏÀÇ »ó´Ü ºÎºÐ¿¡ ±× µ¤°Ô¸¦ À§ÇÑ ¿¬°áÀåÄ¡°¡ ¸¸ÀÏ ¾ø´Ù¸é, ¹ß»ç´ë ÀåÂø ÀÌÀü °úÁ¤¿¡¼­ ±×·¯ÇÑ µ¤°³¸¦ ¾º¿ì´Â ÀÏÀÌ ´õ ½¬¿üÀ» °Í °°Àºµ¥, ¿Ö ±×·¸°Ô ÇÏÁö ¾Ê¾Ò´ÂÁö ¸ð¸£°Ú´Ù.

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(¿ªÀÚ ÁÖ: ÀÌ Àǹ̴ ¾Æ¸¶µµ....·ÎÄÏÀ» ¹ß»ç´ë¿¡ ¼¼¿ì±â Àü¿¡....±× µ¤°³¸¦ ¾Æ¿¹ óÀ½ºÎÅÍ ¾º¿î ´ÙÀ½¿¡ ¼³Ä¡¸¦ ÇÒ ÀÏÀÌÁö....¿Ö ÀÏ´Ü ¼¼¿î ´ÙÀ½¿¡ ¼³Ä¡Çߴ°¡....ÇÏ´Â ±â¼úÀû Àǹ®À» ¸»ÇÏ´Â °Í °°½À´Ï´Ù.) (Ãâó: http://spaceflightnow.com/news/n0904/10northkorea )

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Ten Major Crimes of Lee Myung Bak Group Disclosed
Pyongyang, February 26 (KCNA) -- The National Reunification Institute in an indictment issued on Feb. 25 disclosed ten major crimes committed by the Lee Myung Bak group in the first year of its office.

It singled out as ten major crimes the group of traitors' call for giving priority to foreign forces, revival of the fascist dictatorial system, opening of the south Korean market to the American beef fraught with the danger of mad cow disease, act of rendering economy bankrupt and deterioration of people's livelihood, a "coup staged" by it against "history," declaration of its policy for confrontation with fellow countrymen, total negation of the north-south declarations, nullification of the inter-Korean agreements, suspension of undertakings for inter-Korean cooperation and trumpeting about "contingency" and call for "a preemptive attack."

According to the indictment, the Lee group made south Korea totally dependent upon the U.S. in all fields including politics, economy, military affairs, advocating the "theory of giving priority to the south Korea-U.S. alliance."
Traitor Lee not only worked hard to cover up the crimes committed by Japan in the past but kowtowed to the Japanese king, talking about "future-oriented partnership" with it.

The group not only focused power on "Chongwadae" and increased its dictatorial function but indiscriminately arrested and detained members of the organizations for reunification and democracy and figures of conscience in south Korea after labeling them "pro-north leftist forces" by invoking the fascist "National Security Law." It enacted various kinds of new evil laws or retrogressively revised the existing ones in a more fascist manner.

Due to the group's opening of the south Korean market to the U.S. beef fraught with the danger of the mad cow disease more than 200,000 stockbreeders have been put on the verge of bankruptcy overnight and the people's health and lives are seriously threatened.

The traitor grabbed power under the mask of "president for economic recovery" but what he has done in the first year of his office is that he has driven the south Korean economy to a catastrophic crisis and thrown the people into destitution.

The group falsified the fact by claiming that the April 3 Popular Uprising on Jeju Island against the U.S. occupation of south Korea and its colonial rule over it was triggered off by the "agitation of the "leftist forces" and even described the April 19 Popular Uprising as a "demo" and kept mum about the June Popular Resistance and Kwangju Resistance.

It also whitewashed the Japanese imperialists' colonial rule over Korea as a rule to "enlighten and modernize" Korea and praised the U.S. imperialists' "military rule" over Korea right after the liberation as a policy for "defending liberal democracy" and "ensuring the democratic autonomy."

It is one more gross distortion of history that the puppet group deliberately spoke ill of the preceding regimes, talking about the "lost decade."
The Lee group has desperately pursued confrontation with fellow countrymen since it declared "no nukes, opening and 3,000 dollars," a theory of confrontation against reunification as its "policy towards the north."

It has refused to implement the historic June 15 joint declaration and the October 4 declaration, totally negating them.
Due to the Lee group's moves, the inter-Korean agreements have been reduced to dead documents and scrapped and even the legal mechanism for preventing military conflicts has been completely destroyed.

Lee unilaterally suspended the tour of Mt. Kumgang which has been underway for the last decade, blustering that there would be no cooperation unless the north "dismantled" its nukes and "opened" it. He has deliberately rendered the situation tense, putting the overall non-governmental cooperation such as the operation in the Kaesong Industrial Zone and the tour of Kaesong in a crisis.

What is the most dangerous of the Lee group's crimes committed against reunification and the nation is that it is letting loose a whole string of outbursts about "contingency" and "preemptive attack," groundlessly defiling the dignified system in the DPRK.

All facts clearly prove that it is impossible to save the inter-Korean ties from collapse and the nation is fated to meet disasters as long as Lee and his group are allowed to stay in power, the indictment noted, declaring that the Lee group's acts of treachery are unpardonable and it is bound to meet a stern punishment of history and the nation.

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Peace Statement Opposing UN's Resolution on NK Human Rights
(Issued by All Sectors of the Korean Society)

On November 21st, the U.N. 3rd Committee passed the Resolution on North Korea's Human Rights co-sponsored by 46 countries, including EU, Japan and South Korea. The U.N. General Assembly will likely endorse the resolution at a vote.

The resolution was first submitted to the UN Human Rights committee in 2003. The U.N. General Assembly adopted the resolution on the basis of a report conducted since 2005 by the special investigation committee on NK's human rights. This year marks the first time for South Korea as a co-sponsor of the resolution. South Korean Administration explained that it joined as one of co-sponsors of the resolution for the purpose of realizing universal value of human rights

We object to the use of human rights as a means of oppression based on political interests.
'Human rights' is indeed a common value that all people should uphold, but unfortunately, we find many cases of misuse of human rights as a political weapon to attack specific countries.

Human rights issues in the UN are being exploited to target specific countries, but at the same time, the UN has neglected and stay silent about the human rights violations happening in Iraq (perpetrated by the U.S. and the U.K.) as well as the torture and illegal detention in Guantanamo Bay.

The fact that specific countries that the Bush administration called axis of evil are targeted for human rights violations shows U.N.'s politically biased treatment of human rights issue.

It is ironic that the South Korean administration and Japan are co-sponsors of the U.N.'s resolution on NK Human Rights. South Korea faces criticism from all over the world for its human rights violations as seen in the brutal suppression of participants of peaceful candle light vigils. Japan is also under scrutiny for severe political oppression of the ethnic Korean living in Japan. As such, we cannot acknowledge that there is sincerity and fairness in the motives behind the resolution on NK human rights.

Human rights issue should not be manipulated for the purpose of attacking or isolating specific nations.
When based on individual country's interest and narrow standards on human rights it could lead to resistance from the country targeted and bring distrust among peace loving groups. Such short-sighted approach will ultimately hinder the common goal of global peace for mankind. Human rights situation can only be improved when based on acknowledgement of and true respect for each other.

If the U.N. general assembly votes to adopt the so called "NK bashing" resolution on NK human rights, it could result in an unfavorable inter-Korea relations which would only aggravate already tense inter-Korean relations and further delay unity and peace in the Korean Peninsula.

It will also turn Korean people to harbor a deep distrust of the U.N. We urge the U.N. to consider the grave consequences of its actions and make sound considerations.

Easing tensions between North and South Korea and improvement of inter-Korean relations is the most fundamental foundation needed to improve human rights in the Korean Peninsula. Human rights without peace are not possible and talking about human rights without, first, changing its hostile policy is surely absurd. The recent improvement in the relations between NK and US has contributed to the decline of military tension and conflict in the region. Additionally, by lifting embargo against NK that was rightfully demanded by NK over the years, NK was finally able to establish the right to live. In parallel, inter-Korea relations and reconcilable and cooperative measures have improved significantly in the past 10 years.

If the U.N. truly wants to achieve human rights on the Korean peninsula, it should stop its political attack of NK under the guise of human rights protection. Instead, the U.N, should support the June 15th and the October 4th Joint Declarations on peace building in the Korean peninsula. It is an undeniable fact that the majority of the Korean people support human rights and peace through the improvement of inter-Korea relations. The policy suppressing NK is only based on interests of some political group and does not represent the real opinions of the Korean people.

Now, the necessary step is to make sincere efforts to change and improve inter-Korea relations through dialogue, not use human rights issue as a means to political oppression.

For this aim, every country must cooperate in order for the current talks between NK and the US and the six- party talks to move towards building systemic peace. Therefore, all countries must immediately stop any hostile action towards NK that may escalate tension and worsen the situation in the region. We urge each country to support the implementation of the officially recognized the June 15th and the October 4th inter-Korea declarations. The South Korean administration must also stop its hostile policies towards NK and implement with earnestness the June 15th and October 4th joint declarations. Instead, the South Korean government demonstrates hypocrisy by emphasizing dialogue on the one hand while overtly expressing its ulterior motive to overthrow the NK government.

Human rights is a universal value that human beings cannot avoid. Each country is responsible for making genuine efforts to protect the rights of its people. No one is excluded from this.

In support of the North Korean authorities' efforts to self-improve its human rights condition and peace process such as the amendment of its criminal laws and legislations, submission of reports on international regulations and inter-Korea cooperative measures, the global community should support NK's continued self-regulation and peace building process. Genuine and peaceful dialogue is the only way to protect human rights and building peace on the Korean peninsula.

December 16th 2008

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Japanese Reactionaries' Anti-DPRK, Anti-Chongryon Moves under Fire
Pyongyang, November 4 (KCNA) -- The Japanese reactionaries mobilized lots of police on October 29 to search organizations of the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan (Chongryon) in Tokyo, vociferating about "violation of the law on taxation." This is illegal and fascist politically-motivated suppression of Chongryon and Koreans in Japan and at the same time, another grave infringement upon the dignity and sovereignty of the DPRK. Rodong Sinmun Tuesday says this in a signed commentary.

The "violation of the law on taxation" touted by the Japanese authorities is nothing but a pretext to justify their suppression, and the above-said search is, in fact, the fascist racket aiming at exterminating Chongryon, the commentary notes, and goes on:

The search is a product of villainous and wicked design peculiar to the Japanese reactionaries who are trying to gain their sinister political purpose by pressurizing the DPRK.
Their anti-DPRK and anti-Chongryon moves have reached very serious phase which should not be overlooked.

The reality goes to prove that the Japanese reactionaries are betes noires and a gang of worst hooligans who trample down upon the dignity and sovereignty of other countries and nations and commit human rights abuses against them at random to serve their exclusive purposes.

The Japanese reactionaries' persistent suppression of Chongryon will make the settling of the issue more difficult and redouble Korean people's hostility and indignation against Japan. We have in thorough stock all the unpardonable crimes committed by Japan in the past and will never tolerate the Japanese reactionaries' hostility towards the DPRK getting more pronounced as the days go by.

The Japanese reactionaries would be well advised to behave themselves, mindful that the reckless suppression of Chongryon is a suicidal act of pricking their eyes with their own hands.

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6th Anniversary of DPRK-Japan Pyongyang Declaration Marked in Japan
Pyongyang, September 20 (KCNA) -- A meeting was held in Tokyo on Sept. 13 on the occasion of the 6th anniversary of the publication of the DPRK-Japan Pyongyang Declaration.

Present there were personages of Japan-DPRK friendship organization and citizens. Sumiko Shimizu, representative of the Japanese Women's Society for Solidarity with the Korean Women, spoke first at the meeting.

She said while visiting Pyongyang in August, she keenly felt the need to boost the solidarity with the DPRK and wage a more widespread movement for the normalization of the relations and friendship between Japan and DPRK in Japan, expressing concern about the Japan-DPRK relations now at the lowest ebb.

She urged the Japanese government to have dialogue for the normalization of the relations as required by the Japan-DPRK Pyongyang Declaration and called upon the citizens to conduct positive actions in solidarity to make sure that the sanctions against the DPRK are lifted.

Then, the floor was taken by Rumiko Nishino, co-representative of the Japanese Network against War and Violence against Women, Koichi Ishizaka, secretary general of the Liaison Council Demanding Denuclearization and Peace in Northeast Asia and Normalization of Japan-DPRK Relations, and Ken Takada, deputy secretary general of the Citizens Liaison Council against the Revision of the Constitution.

Speakers strongly urged the Japanese government to make an early apology and reparation for Japan's crime-woven past, convert the relations between the two countries into peaceful and friendly relations and normalize the relations between Japan and DPRK as early as possible as required by the Japan-DPRK Pyongyang Declaration.

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Japan Urged to Redeem Vandalism and Plunder of Cultural Treasures of Korea
Pyongyang, August 2 (KCNA) -- The Japanese imperialists' vandalism and plunder of valuable cultural treasures of Korea were serious international crimes as those crimes were a challenge to human civilization, says Rodong Sinmun Saturday in a signed article.

Not a few facts about the plunder and vandalism of historic relics and cultural treasures committed by foreign aggressor forces have been disclosed so far but what the Japanese imperialists perpetrated in this respect in Korea put those crimes into the shade.

The article cites the following facts to prove this:
The Japanese imperialists' looting of cultural treasures of Korea started long before their occupation of Korea. This is clearly evidenced by "an ordinance" called the "method of collecting treasures" promulgated by the Japanese imperialists in 1894.

Japan looted cultural treasures of Korea in an undisguised manner after its occupation of Korea. Already right after their occupation of Korea the Japanese imperialists let a group led by Sekino, well-known for exploring historical remains and relics, to conduct comprehensive expert-level investigation into the national relics in the whole territory of Korea for as long as ten years and worked out a total of 15 volumes of "Lists of Korea's Historical Remains" before publishing them.

Basing himself on these lists, Hirobumi Ito, first resident-general of the Japanese imperialists in Korea, issued an order on making survey and collecting cultural relics of Korea. This kicked off an undisguised plunder of national heritages of Korea.

The Japanese imperialists instructed Terauchi, the first governor-general, to promulgate the "ordinance on preservation of historical remains and relics" and barbarously looted heritages of Korea in such a terror-ridden atmosphere that they sealed off the scenes before carrying out their looting operations with the mobilization of power of the "Government-General" and the army and police.

Their plunder was not confined to this. The Japanese imperialists dug up or destroyed at random historical remains in Mt. Taesong and in areas along the banks of the River Taedong in Pyongyang and old tombs in Kaesong, Seoul and in different other places of Korea and plundered the country of a number of its valuable cultural relics under the pretext of building railways, harbors, roads and military installments to make them properties of individual Japanese or state properties of Japan.

The Japanese imperialist aggressors vandalized or plundered all national classics belonging to Korea.
Japan still keeps those cultural relics it looted from Korea without making any repentance or apology for them but shelves the issue without giving any assurances or making any promise to return them although the old century is replaced by the new one, the article notes, urging the Japanese government to redeem the criminal acts of vandalizing or looting cultural relics of Korea at an early date.

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Development of Movement for National Reunification Called for
Pyongyang, June 17 (KCNA) -- To develop the movement for national reunification presents itself as an urgent task for the Koreans out in the drive to open up the new era of independent reunification, peace and prosperity of the country at present.
Rodong Sinmun Tuesday says this in a signed article.

The country's reunification, the common interests of the nation, can be achieved only when all Koreans join efforts in their struggle in firm unity, the article notes, and goes on: The development of the above-said movement is urgently required by the June 15 era of reunification.
The June 15 era of reunification is the era guided by the idea of "By our nation itself" in which Koreans promote national reconciliation, unity and cooperation and the above-said idea serves as a powerful mental weapon propelling the advance of the June 15 era of reunification.

The idea of "By our nation itself" reflects the profound love for the Korean nation, transparent confidence in its might and the steadfast will to achieve unity, reunification and prosperity of the nation by its concerted efforts.
But traitor Lee Myung Bak of south Korea is hell-bent on sycophancy and subservience to outsiders while working hard to stamp out the idea of "By our nation itself" soon after he took office.

If this situation is allowed to go on, it is impossible to expect any prospect of independent reunification, peace and prosperity, much less consolidating and developing the achievements made by the concerted efforts of the Korean nation in the era of independent reunification.

The development of the movement for national reunification is the unanimous desire of the nation and the call of the reality.
It is none other than the Korean nation who calls for independent reunification, peace and prosperity and it is only the Koreans that are capable of achieving them.

All Koreans from all walks of life in the north and the south and abroad should achieve solidarity and alliance and conduct joint actions irrespective of ideology, political view and religious belief and develop the movement for national reunification nationwide.

Only when the Koreans intensify the movement for reunification by their concerted efforts can they foil any anti-reunification moves of the Lee group keen on sycophancy toward the U.S. and confrontation with the DPRK.

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Rodong Sinmun on U.S. Goal to Step up Arms Sale to south Korea
Pyongyang, May 13 (KCNA) -- A "bill on improved military cooperation" between the U.S. and south Korea, a bill calling for raising the status of south Korea in buying American weapons, was brought up for discussion at U.S. Congress in February. In its wake the House Foreign Relations Committee recently passed a "bill" on raising the above-said status of south Korea to that of NATO.

The U.S. move to step up the sale of its weapons to south Korea in real earnest is a revelation of its invariable hostile policy towards the DPRK and a dangerous military move to mount a surprise preemptive attack on the DPRK. Rodong Sinmun Tuesday says this in a signed commentary.
It is the scenario of the U.S. to neutralize the military operation capability of the DPRK through a surprise preemptive attack on it in contingency and conclude through blitz tactics the second Korean war with the involvement of U.S. reinforcements including task force from Japan, the Pacific including Guam and Hawaii and the U.S. mainland and the troops in south Korea and south Korean armed forces, the commentary notes, and goes on:

The U.S. proposed massive sale of its weapons to south Korea is aimed at tightening the "strategic alliance" with south Korea.
The U.S. and south Korea are linked with each other by the "mutual defense treaty."
If this "mutual defense treaty" is reinforced by a new "strategic alliance," it will help further tighten the "military alliance" targeted against the DPRK.

The tightened "strategic alliance" with south Korea much touted by the U.S. is a dangerous military nexus aimed at "strangling" the DPRK by force through reviving the already bankrupt "cooperation system."
The U.S. intends to intensify military activities after amassing latest military hardware in south Korea and lay a foundation for a new military bloc by drawing south Korean warmongers into it.

South Korea is now turning into a source of a new war, nuclear war and the situation on the Korean Peninsula is getting extremely tense due to the U.S. moves for bolstering combat forces.

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North Korea expels South's officials from factory zone
SEOUL (Reuters) - North Korea on Thursday expelled South Koreans from a joint factory park north of the border in retaliation for the new government's tough tone towards Pyongyang, a move Seoul warned could chill once warming ties.
The predawn expulsion of the officials at the Kaesong industrial site, once hailed as a model of economic cooperation, is one of the most aggressive moves in years by the destitute North against its wealthy neighbor that supplies it with aid.

Presidential Blue House Spokesman Lee Dong-kwan said after an emergency meeting that the North's measure "was a very regrettable incident that could damage progress of economic cooperation between the South and the North".
President Lee Myung-bak's government, in office barely a month, has pushed the touchy North to clean up its human rights record, repatriate its citizens held by the communist state and make progress on nuclear disarmament.
Spokesman Lee said North Korea needs to be more predictable in its dealing with the South, adding his government did not want the situation to deteriorate.

Park Young-ho, an expert on the North at the South's Korea Institute for National Unification, said: "You can see this move as North Korea trying to train the new South Korean government and put pressure on it."
He added Pyongyang was also looking to stir up conflict in the South over how to treat its prickly neighbor.

The North's official media has yet to report that Lee has become president, the first conservative in the job after a decade of left-of-centre leaders who handed over billions of dollars in aid to try to win over the reclusive state and maintain stability on the peninsula.

UPSETTING RELATIONS

North Korea's KCNA news agency this month quoted an official as warning that conservative elements in Seoul were upsetting relations by "letting loose malignant vituperation, slandering and defiling even the regime and system in the DPRK (North Korea)."

A Unification Ministry official said the North had told 11 South Korean officials on Monday they would have to leave the site, finally forcing them out before dawn on Thursday.

"The North cited Unification Minister Kim Ha-joong's comments that without the resolution of the nuclear problem, there won't be any expansion of the Kaesong project," the official said.

Some 23,000 North Koreans work in nearly 70 South Korean factories at the park, about 70 km (45 miles) northwest of Seoul, producing clothing, shoes, watches and other goods for salaries a fraction of those in the South.

On Wednesday in Washington, South Korean Foreign Minister Yu Myung-hwan said that major powers were losing patience with Pyongyang's failure to produce a full accounting of its nuclear weapons program as required under a 2005 deal.

The North, which battles chronic food shortages, had asked previous governments to supply it with massive amounts of rice and fertilizer but has yet to ask Lee's government.

Analysts said the North was still working out how to respond to Lee's demand that aid be linked to progress on humanitarian and nuclear issues.
North and South Korea on Thursday started without incident separate talks about energy and economic aid promised to the North in return for its pledge to eventually end operations at its ageing nuclear plant that produces weapons-grade plutonium.

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U.S. Accused of Standing against Treaty Banning Arms Race in Space
Pyongyang, February 25 (KCNA) -- Recently China and Russia presented a draft international treaty banning the arms race in the space to the Geneva Disarmament Conference. Various countries of the world are expressing support and sympathy with it but the U.S. remains adamant in opposing it.

Rodong Sinmun Monday observes this in a signed commentary.
It cites facts to prove that by coming out against this proposed treaty the U.S. seeks a criminal aim to realize its ambition for dominating the world at any cost by accelerating the space militarization.
It is the U.S. invariable strategy to hold military supremacy in the space, it says, and goes on:

The U.S. has long regarded the space militarization as a means for realizing its ambition for dominating the world while persisting in the moves for it.
The U.S. is apt to accuse other countries of their activities in the space. This is aimed at containing their peaceful development and use of the space and securing a strategic edge in the space in a bid to use this for carrying out its strategy for world domination.

The "missile threat" from the DPRK and Iran much touted by the U.S. is nothing but a subterfuge for pushing ahead with the space militarization.
It is preposterous and a typical example of partiality and double standards for the U.S. to paint any countries' activities for space development as a "missile test," though it is for a peaceful purpose, while conniving at some other countries' activities for space development to serve a military purpose.

Space can never become anyone's monopoly.
It is intolerable that the precious scientific and technological achievements and social wealth created by humankind are used for putting down and dominating other countries and nations through high-handed military actions and producing means of aggression and war threatening the existence and peace of humankind, instead of using them for the mankind's welfare and development of civilization.

The U.S. would be well advised to abandon its attempt to violate other countries' right to peaceful development of space while spreading its unreasonable and nonsensical assertions.

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All Koreans Called upon to Remain True to June 15 Joint Declaration
Pyongyang, January 11 (KCNA) -- All Koreans are called upon to firmly uphold and thoroughly implement the June 15 joint declaration by their concerted efforts because herein lies a sure guarantee for successfully accomplishing the cause of independent reunification.

Rodong Sinmun Friday says this in a by-lined article.
It goes on: The course of implementing the joint declaration precisely means the one of adhering to the principle of independence in the movement for reunification. This principle means an attitude and stand which calls for firmly maintaining independence in the overall movement for reunification and settling all issues with overriding importance attached to the will and interest of the nation.

All members of the nation are not observers but directly responsible for the settlement of the reunification issue.
Nobody can replace the Korean nation in settling the reunification issue related to its destiny. Being a driving force for national reunification, all Koreans should turn out as one in the struggle to implement the joint declaration and play the role as a master.

If members of the nation behave against their principle, yielding to the pressure of foreign forces though they are required to take joint actions, they will not be able to protect the interests of the nation but allow themselves to support the foreign forces in their aggression against fellow countrymen.
The reunification movement of the Korean nation still assumes complicated and arduous nature as it has to advance amidst fierce confrontation with the forces at home and abroad standing in its way.
The times have changed and history has advanced far but there still remain the leftovers of the era of confrontation to block national concord and the reunification movement.

Failure of Koreans to remain vigilant against this would help the anti-reunification forces bring the achievements made in the movement for independent reunification to naught.
All Koreans should come out to counter the anti-reunification offensive under the uplifted banner of the June 15 joint declaration, urges the article.

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KCNA Blasts U.S. Conservative Hard-liners' Moves to Deter DPRK-U.S. Relations
Pyongyang, December 5 (KCNA) -- U.S. conservative hard-liners are going reckless in their moves to bring the DPRK-U.S. relations back to those of acute confrontation.
Shortly ago, the Wall Street Journal called on the Bush administration to stick to the DPRK policy it pursued in its early days, asserting that the administration's drastic switchover in its policy toward the DPRK would adversely affect the U.S.-Japan alliance.
Earlier, Bolton, former U.S. ambassador to the UN, in his autobiography blustered that it was good that Japan linked the "abduction issue" with the nuclear issue, while seriously provoking the DPRK. He, when addressing representatives of anti-DPRK plot-breeding organizations in Japan, went the lengths of crying out for building up opinion among Congressmen and others that the DPRK should not be de-listed as a "sponsor of terrorism" with ease.
There is a sign of echoing this voice at U.S. Congress, too.

This is an unpardonable challenge to the unanimous desire of the international community for peace and stability in Northeast Asia as it is a manifestation of extreme hostility toward the DPRK and Cold War-minded view on confrontation which call for isolating and stifling the DPRK, invariably considering it as an enemy.
As already clarified, the DPRK's access to nukes despite manifold difficulties was to cope with the U.S. continued hostile policy toward the DPRK and threat posed by it.

It is, therefore, an absolute pre-condition for the DPRK's abandonment of its nuclear program for the U.S. to drop its hostile policy toward the DPRK. The DPRK can never abandon its nuclear program unless the U.S. rolls back its hostile policy toward the DPRK.
The U.S. conservative hard-liners might know well how the DPRK reacted to the Bush administration's unilateral demand for the abandonment of the nuclear program.

However, they are clinging to a trite method to maintain Cold War on the Korean Peninsula in a bid to fish in troubled waters.
What they seek is to rattle the DPRK's nerves without let-up in a bid to make it pull out of the denuclearization process and shift the responsibility for it on to the DPRK.
Their calculation is that this would provide favorable conditions for justifying its neo Cold War strategy aimed at escalating international tension under the pretext of "preventing the spread of WMD" and for such guys as Bolton to return to the administration. No wonder, U.S. media reported that the conservative hard-liners led by Cheney within the Bush administration are watching for a chance to rise again.

We don't care whether the U.S. conservative hard-liners support the pragmatic policy towards the DPRK or stoke hysteria of confrontation and whether they put the U.S.-Japan alliance above denuclearization or not.
We are not serious about the U.S. improving its relations with the DPRK because even its move to bring those relations back to what was before would do the latter nothing bad.

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All Koreans Called upon to Attach Importance to Nation
Pyongyang, October 22 (KCNA) -- The stand of giving importance to the Korean nation should be firmly adhered to by all Koreans in the present grand march for the reunification of the country.

Rodong Sinmun Monday says this in a signed article.
It goes on: To attach importance to the nation is a basic stand for independently carving out its destiny, and it is an important task reflecting the law-governed requirements for national development and the common thoughts and sentiments and mental state of the members of the nation.
Attaching importance to the nation guarantees peace and reunification of the three thousand ri land of Korea and the prosperity of the nation. Reunification is for the prosperity of the nation and both peace on this land and inter-Korean cooperation are aimed at achieving national prosperity.

Whoever opts for cooperating with foreign forces, depending on them while turning his back on his compatriots and disregarding the driving force of the nation, is bound to be forsaken by it and fated to face a stern judgement of history.
Nothing is more foolish act than trying to settle the issue of the destiny of the nation by depending on the aggressive and hegemonic foreign forces, which brought sufferings resulting from division and disasters of war to the Korean nation and are still keen to impose disasters of a nuclear war upon it, and putting them above the nation.

In order to firmly maintain the stand of giving importance to the nation it is necessary to decisively reject outside forces' domination and interference and abide by the principle of national independence. It is essential to protect the security and interests of the nation and strictly abide by the principles of giving priority to the nation and defending it, not caving in to the unreasonable pressure and threat and blackmail of the foreign forces who have blatantly interfered in the issues of inter-Korean relations and reunification.

The Koreans in the north and the south and abroad should invariably remain true to the spirit of "By our nation itself", the idea of independence common to the nation and the banner of the June 15 era of reunification, and fully embody it, concludes the article.

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Full Play to Korean Nation-First Spirit Called for
Pyongyang, October 22 (KCNA) -- The Korean nation-first spirit serves as a patriotic banner encouraging all the Koreans in their struggle to achieve independent reunification, says Rodong Sinmun Monday in a signed article.
The Korean nation-first spirit serves as a mental source enabling the Koreans to preserve and glorify independence of the nation. It is also a motive force for preserving the advantageous national identity and giving full play to it, the article says, and goes on:

The June 15 era of reunification has opened and the dawn is breaking for national reunification now. It is high time all the Koreans fully displayed the spirit of national independence, valuing dignity of the country and the nation as life and soul.
Reflected in the Korean nation-first spirit is the history of the Korean nation and the will of the Koreans to fully display the dignity and might of the nation by carrying forward the patriotic tradition.

The Korean nation-first spirit has served as a patriotic banner contributing to carving out the destiny of the nation. This is because the Korean nation is a proud nation blessed by the illustrious leaders generation after generation.
The day when the Korean nation will grow rich and powerful will break soon if all the Koreans achieve unity and reunification, holding Kim Jong Il in high esteem as the lodestar of national reunification.

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Espionage Acts of Foreign Intelligence Service Disclosed
Pyongyang, September 5 (KCNA) -- Espionage acts of a foreign intelligence service were disclosed and smashed some time ago in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
The state security organ of the DPRK arrested the spies absorbed to the foreign intelligence service and intelligence agent who commanded them and seized their intelligence apparatuses.

As brought to light during the investigation into the case and the statements of the arrested spies, the foreign intelligence service absorbed some unsound people out of the visitors of the DPRK to third countries by the method of money and girls, threat and blackmail and turned them into its paid spies in an attempt to spy on important military objects and strategic key-points related with the supreme interests of the DPRK.

Their duty was to take photographs of an important military object in an area and confirm the spot co-ordinates and collect concrete data on the object with the help of the GPS after they received it. Their duty was also to obtain original texts of documents of the DPRK including the state and military secrets and the ideological tendencies of the people and, at the same time, to create illusion about the "free world" among senior officials and lure them out to third countries if possible.

After it infiltrated the hired spies into the DPRK, the foreign intelligence service sent an intelligence agent to the DPRK under the guise of a trader to command their activities on the spot. He carried with him a digital camera battery to which the GPS was attached.
He met the spies in secrecy and received results of their activities. And then, he handed over the GPS to them. As the headquarters of the intelligence service dictated, the agent gave to them a directive on collecting the secret on the object as early as possible.
He went to the area surrounding the military object under the pretext of the "spot survey" and directly commanded the activities of the spies.

The counter-intelligence officers of the DPRK who sharply watched every movement of the enemy arrested the spies and intelligence agent on a spot when they handed over the GPS and the collected data with each other.
According to the judgment of experts, the intelligence apparatus consists of up-to-date highly efficient GPS processor, Flash and contact plate antenna branded with SONY. In connection with the case, a press conference was held at the People's Palace of Culture in Pyongyang on September 5.

An officer of the Ministry of State Security of the DPRK, to begin with, informed the reporters of the content of the case and a video-tape showing the written pledge of a spy hired to the foreign intelligence service, scenes showing him committing crimes and others.
Then reporters raised at the conference questions regarding the forms and methods of the ever-intensified anti-DPRK psychological war-fare of the enemy, dealing of the arrested criminals and others.

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Defence of Peace, Vital Task of Korean Nation
Pyongyang, August 10 (KCNA) -- Defending peace on the Korean Peninsula is a vital task for the peace and prosperity of the entire Korean nation and the reunification of the country, declares Rodong Sinmun in a signed article Friday.
It goes on: Preventing a war and defending peace arise as vital tasks of all Koreans with greater urgency today when the danger of a new war is growing daily on the Korean Peninsula due to the outside forces' moves to provoke a war against the DPRK which have reached a dangerous phase.

The U.S. hardliners are these days massively reinforcing aggression forces including means of nuclear strikes in and around south Korea, bringing forward the robber-like demand that the DPRK should scrap its "nuclear program" first, and they are pushing ahead with the restructuring of the U.S. combat force system in south Korea to cope with "a contingency" on the Korean Peninsula, thereby aggravating the situation.

Some time ago, the U.S. announced that it would stage again in south Korea the "Ulji Focus Lens" joint military exercise, a large-scale war game against the DPRK.
The U.S. is creating the danger of war while escalating military confrontation and tensions on the peninsula against the desire of the Koreans and the trend of the times. This situation urges the Koreans to hold as high as ever the banner of defense of peace. The Korean nation would suffer the nuclear holocaust imposed by the outside forces and its existence itself would be put in a danger, should it fail to frustrate the moves of the outsiders and their followers for a war of aggression.

To thwart aggression and war moves and defend peace is a nationwide fighting task vital to the life and security of the Korean nation which experienced war disasters in the last century and has lived under a constant danger of war for over half a century and is facing a danger of war still today.
It is impossible to successfully promote inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation and the development of the movement for independent reunification without defending peace.

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Vigorous Struggle for Independent Reunification Called for
Pyongyang, July 4 (KCNA) -- We will as ever make all possible efforts to bring earlier the glorious day when a reunified great prosperous powerful Korea has been built by the concerted efforts of the Korean nation under the banner of the June 15 joint declaration, remaining true to the great Songun politics. A spokesman of the Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of the Fatherland said this in a statement released on July 3 to mark the 35th publication anniversary of the July 4 joint statement.

The three principles of national reunification--independence, peaceful reunification and great national unity--clarified in the July 4 joint statement take the highest and most brilliant position in the exploits performed by President Kim Il Sung in leading the cause of national reunification, the statement said, and continued:
With the publication of the joint statement, the Koreans came to have a common milestone whereby to join their hands in the way of national reconciliation, unity and reunification and actively turn out in the nationwide movement for reunification.

The President's last instructions for national reunification have been successfully put into practice by Kim Jong Il.
Kim Jong Il provided the historic Pyongyang summit and the June 15 North-South Joint Declaration in June 2000, 55 years after the division of the nation, thus opening up a new era of independent reunification. It is a great event of epoch-making significance in the Korean nation's history of reunification movement.

The June 15 joint declaration, the core of which is the idea of "By our nation itself", is a declaration of independence, peaceful reunification and great national unity fully reflecting the three principles of national reunification set forth by the President, and it is the milestone for national reunification in the new century.

All Koreans should positively defend and support the historic June 15 joint declaration, a charter for national reconciliation and unity and a great platform for independent reunification, and more vigorously turn out in the struggle to implement it to the letter. The entire Korean nation, including the authorities, political parties, organizations and people from all walks of life in the north and the south of Korea, should fulfill its mission and responsibility to meet the sacred call of the times.

The great Songun politics serves as the lifeline for shaping out the destiny of the Korean nation and as a treasured sword for national reunification. The independent reunification, peace and prosperity of the country are guaranteed by the great Songun politics.
All Koreans should more actively support and uphold the great Songun politics, pride and glory of the nation, whose validity and vitality have been clearly proven in practice. We express the belief and expectation that our fellow countrymen in the south and overseas will turn out in the sacred struggle to bravely smash the moves of outside forces and their followers against the June 15 joint declaration and reunification, fully display the spirit of the July 4 joint statement and glorify the June 15 era of independent reunification.

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Minju Joson on U.S. Policy toward Japan
Pyongyang, May 29 (KCNA) -- A U.S.-Japan security consultative meeting was held in Washington between late April and early May with the attendance of defence and foreign ministers of the two countries.
At the meeting, U.S. Secretary of Defense Gates told Japanese Minister of Defence Kyuma that if the DPRK launches ballistic missiles towards the U.S., they should be intercepted with Japan's missile defence system. The U.S. ambassador to Japan, too, who was present there, strongly hinted to the Japanese side that the U.S.-Japan alliance may get worse if Japan doesn't intercept such missiles.

Commenting on this fact, Minju Joson says in a signed commentary today: The U.S. seemed at the meeting to ask for Japan's help for fear of possible "missile attack" of the DPRK on it. But lurking behind it was a sinister intention of the U.S. to incite Japan to the exercise of the "right of collective self-defence".
It is a strategic calculation of the U.S. that it should make an effective use of Japan's military potentials and geographical advantage in order to attain the military supremacy over East Asia, contain the influence of big powers situated in this region and establish the exclusive domination over the Asia-Pacific region.
If the time comes when Japan fairly exercises its "right of collective self-defence" as demanded by the U.S., it would be very dangerous developments in view of peace and security in Asia and the rest of the world.

Japan's exercise of the "right of collective self-defence" precisely means its reinvasion. It is as clear as noonday that Japan, free in military action by dint of exercise of the "right", will not hesitate to unleash a war of aggression on Asia for its strategic interests and vested rights as it did in the past.
It is not hard to guess that the U.S. will be no exception of the targets of Japan's attack, if the temperament of the latter, who would act like a puppy knowing no fear of a tiger when it feels stronger, is taken into consideration.

The irresponsible behavior of the U.S. inciting Japan to the militaristic overseas expansion is as good as a crime of wrecking global peace and security.
The U.S. should ponder over the grave consequences to be entailed by Japan's moves for militarization and overseas expansion and drop its wrong policy towards Japan at an earliest possible date.

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Japan Denounced for Disturbing 6-Party Talks
Pyongyang, April 19 (KCNA) -- Japan, making much ado about the "abduction issue" which does not deserve a passing note, has no job to do at the 6-party talks, declares a Rodong Sinmun analyst Thursday, adding:
If the talks get rid of such filibuster as Japan, a favorable atmosphere for the talks will be created and the implementation of the agreement will run on oiled wheels.

Noting that Japan is persistently bringing forward quite an irrelevant issue which has nothing to do with the 6-party talks, the analyst goes on:
This is because it has a sinister intention to obstruct the implementation of the February 13 agreement and, furthermore, derail the 6-party talks at any cost.

It is Japan's approach to the dialogue and real intention to lay obstacles in the way of the 6-party talks and curb the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. By doing so, the Japanese reactionaries seek to invent a pretext for the nuclear armament of Japan and gratify their ambition for the building of a military power and overseas aggression. For this very purpose Japan obstinately denies its past crimes including the issue of the "comfort women" forcibly recruited for the imperial Japanese army and tries to bury them in the limbo of historic oblivion.

It is entirely attributable to the unreasonable and shameless obstructions of Japan that the implementation of the February 13 agreement has come up against a snag and the 6-party talks fail to make a progress. Japan is the very one which is forcing the talks to mark time and even back down, not making progress.
If Japan keeps distorting and denying its past crimes and hindering the progress of the talks, kicking up dust over an issue which has nothing to do with the talks, it will put itself to a greater shame on the international scene and may be driven out of the talks in the long run.

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U.S. and S. Korean Warlike Forces Urged to Give up Projected RSOI and Foal Eagle
Pyongyang, March 9 (KCNA) -- The south Korea-U.S. Combined Forces Command on March 7 announced a plan to stage RSOI and the Foal Eagle joint military exercises from March 25 to 31, according to military sources.
The above-said exercises will reportedly draw 6,000 reinforcements and the U.S. forces in south Korea, at least 29,000 U.S. troops in all, and involve the task force of super large nuclear-powered carrier Ronald Reagan, Stealth fighter bombers and other war hardware of the U.S. imperialist aggression forces and the south Korean forces.

The projected saber-rattling is reckless war maneuvers aimed at massively hurling U.S. troops and latest military hardware into south Korea in case of "contingency" on the Korean Peninsula in a bid to preempt an attack on the DPRK.
The large-scale military exercises to be staged by the U.S. and the south Korean warlike forces against the DPRK despite the repeated warnings issued by the DPRK and the unanimous censure and condemnation of the public at home and abroad are a very serious military provocation to vitiate the atmosphere of the on-going dialogue and deteriorate the inter-Korean relations and push the situation on the peninsula to the brink of a war.

This clearly proves that "dialogue" and 'improvement of relations" much touted by the U.S. and the south Korean authorities are nothing but sophism aimed to deceive the public opinion at home and abroad and that they pursue confrontation and war only. The reality goes to clearly prove once again that the U.S. imperialists and the south Korean warlike forces are chiefly to blame for bringing the tense situation on the peninsula closer to the brink of a war. It also testifies to the fact that they are harassers of peace and security on the peninsula and the chieftain of a war as they cause the dark clouds of a nuclear war to gather over this land.

It is the mettle of Songun Korea and the will of the servicepersons and people of the DPRK to respond to force in kind and retaliate against any provocation with merciless counter-blows.
The U.S. and the south Korean warlike forces should unconditionally cancel their plan to stage the extremely dangerous DPRK-targeted war exercises, pondering over the ensuing grave consequences.

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Did the U.S. Want a Korean War? -Lee Hwal-woong
Mr.Lee Hwal-woong, a community leader for reunification movement, delivered a speech on Korea's Reunification at the International Conference on Process and Han which was held on Feb.2, 2007 at Claremont Graduate University under the sponsorship of Korea Project, Center for Process Studies. Mr.Chun Soontae was a panelist in this session. This is the full text of Mr.Lee's speech.[Editor's note]

1. Preface

At 4:00 a.m. on Sunday, June 25, 1950, North Korea launched a full-scale military offensive against South Korea, triggering the outbreak of the Korean War. As South Korea appeared unable to halt North¡¯s advance, the U.S., together with other fifteen UN member nations, quickly came to the rescue of the South. Six months later, when the North Korean army was overwhelmed and totally beaten by the UN forces, China sent its troops to help the North. The hostilities lasted for three years and one month until an armistice was signed on July 27, 1953.
There are quite a number of different accounts on the casualties of the Korean War. According to Patrick Brogan, who quotes the UN Command in his book ¡®World Conflicts¡¯, the Korean War causalities are as follows:

- United States: 37,904 dead, including 12,939 missing in action, presumed dead; 101, 368 wounded.
- Other United Nations contingents: 4,521 dead, among them 537 British and 312 Canadians.
- South Korea: 103,248 killed; 159,727 wounded.
- The US high command calculated that North Korea lost 316,579 killed and China 422,612. It also calculated that 2 million civilians, north and south, were killed or injured.

Meanwhile, the Pentagon revised in 2000 the U.S. death toll from previous figures of 54,246 to 36,940.
The Encyclopedia Britannica estimated that about 33% of houses and 43% of industrial facilities were destroyed throughout North and South Korea. Of course, the destruction in the North was much severer than in the South as it was ¡®reduced to a stone age¡¯ by the bombing operations of the U.S. Air Force.
Even today, more than half century later, South Koreans are very grateful to the quick and decisive actions of the U.S. which had saved them from possible subjugation to communist rule.

2. North¡¯s Invasion and South¡¯s Defeat were Foreseen

Before the outbreak of the Korean War, South Korea was also eager to attack the North for a forceful reunification of the divided homeland. For that purpose, the South Korean government had been asking the U.S. for more military assistance. Had they received enough military aid from the U.S., the Korean War would have broken out even before June 25, 1950 by South Korean army¡¯s advance to the north, believing in an easy victory ahead.

South Korea, therefore, was totally unprepared for North¡¯s surprise attack. Was the North Korean attack on the South also a surprise to the U.S.? So the U.S. admitted after the outbreak of the war. However, there is a plenty of information that proves otherwise. According to my own research, a civil war in Korea was widely anticipated even before the establishment of the two ideologically and politically antagonistic regimes in Korea in 1948 and the defeat of South Korea in the face of a North Korean attack was fully foreseen by many observers.

For example, both Lt. General John R. Hodge, Commander of U.S. Forces in Korea, and Joseph E. Jacob, Hodge¡¯s political advisor, in May and September 1947 respectively, reported that the withdrawal of Russian and U.S. forces from Korea would eventually lead to North¡¯s invasion of the South or an anarchy and considerable bloodshed. Admiral William D. Leahy, American liaison officer in Pyongyang also reported in 1948 that North Korea could conquer the entire peninsula if the U.S. failed to create a strong government in the South.

In early 1948, a State Department paper and a final State-Army-Navy-Air Force Coordinating Committee (SANACC) report recognized a threat of military invasion from the North in case a separate and independent South Korea is created. Moreover, the United Nation¡¯s Temporary Commission on Korea (UNTCOK) concluded in February 1948 that the separate election in South Korea would harden the division and open the way to a bloody civil war.

In October 1948, that is after the establishments of the two separate Governments in Korea, Muccio, American Ambassador in Seoul, expecting an invasion from the North in the spring of 1949, warned the Secretary of State Marshall that ¡°confronted with invasion from the North, the ROK¡¯s chances for survival were not great.
A Republican minority report in July 1949 claimed that the administration had withdrawn American forces from South Korea, although it admitted that the ROK would not survive a major North Korean attack. President Truman in July 1949, in submitting Mutual Defense Appropriation Program to Congress admitted that South Korea confronted a serious threat of invasion from the North.

The UNCOK in August 1949 reported to the U.N. that in the absence of a Soviet-American agreement, Korea probably would experience a ¡®barbarous civil war¡¯.
During the autumn of 1949, Washington freely admitted that South Korea could not defend itself against a massive military assault from the North.

At Secretary of State Acheson¡¯s assertion and at the recommendation of the Political Committee, the U.N. General Assembly on October 21, 1949 adopted a resolution to widen the missions of UNCOK to observe conditions and report any developments which might lead to or otherwise involve military conflicts. In February 1950, U.N. Secretary General Trygve Lie dispatched eight experts to Korea to observe and report on any circumstances pointing to an outbreak of war.
Many experts agreed that around May and June 1950, administration officials definitely were aware of the danger of an imminent invasion from North Korea.

3. Protection of South was Urged

There were some arguments in favor of the protection of South Korea against the possible invasion from the North. In September 1948, Under Secretary of State Lovett urged that the U.S. should not abandon South Korea although it would place a heavy strain on the American economy.
Truman and his major advisors in 1949 increasingly came to view South Korea as not just a bulwark against further Soviet expansionism but also the test case of containment in Asia.

Around December 1948, Communist success in China convinced many American leaders that the U.S. had to postpone disengagement from Korea indefinitely. Max Bishop, Chief of the Division of Northeast Asian Affairs, opposed early withdrawal because it might contribute to the expansion of a hostile communist politico-military power system in Northeast Asia.
In January 1949, Muccio recommended to the State Department that the U.S. delay disengagement for ¡®several monthos¡¯ until it was certain an invasion from the North would not follow its departure.
In June 1949, Acheson testified before a House committee that the U.S. could not abandon South Korea because it ¡®stands as symbol of hope for the rest of Asia¡¯.

Muccio implored Washington to send ¡®high performance aircraft¡¯ to ROK when Moscow announced that it would provide North Korea with an air force.
Immediately after the Acheson speech in January 1950 that excluded South Korea from the American defense perimeter in Northeast Asia and the subsequent defeat of a Korean aid bill at the Congress, Butterworth, Director of the Office of Far Eastern Affairs, gave assurance to South Korean Ambassador Chang Myon that the U.S. would not forget its commitment to South Korea¡¯s survival.

4. South¡¯s Desire to Invade North was Suppressed

Meanwhile, with the inauguration of the government in 1948, South Korean leaders led by President Rhee openly began belligerent statements for the forceful reunification of the peninsula. In December 1948, for example, Foreign Minister Chang Tak-Samg, calling North Korea a ¡®lost territory¡¯, declared that the ROK planned to recover it ¡®at the earliest possible moment regardless of means and cost¡¯.

In February 1949, South Korean officials, in their conversations with Royall, Secretary of Army, and Wedemeyer, Director of Planning and Operation, who were on fact-finding mission in Seoul, stressed the importance of military power for the protection of the ROK and the eventual achievement of reunification. President Rhee insisted that only superior military power would achieve Korean reunification.

American officials, however, in NSC-8/2 of March 23, 1949, wanted to eliminate any potential for South Korea to attempt forcible reunification, thereby igniting a major war. The NSC paper also emphasized that American military withdrawal should in no way imply any lessening of the administration¡¯s interest in the ROK¡¯s future survival.
In March 1949, South Korean Ambassador Chang Myon sent a memorandum to Acheson to outline the mission of a President Rhee¡¯s special envoy Cho Byong-Ok. The memorandum, among others, asked for more military aid to achieve the goal of reunification.

In April 1949, President Rhee told to Muccio that the ROK needed airplanes and combat ships in order to achieve the national goal of reunification,. He further stated that North Koreans hated communist rulers and even the army would revolt when he gave the signal. In August 1949, General Roberts of KMAG reported that the South Korean army had established a salient in the north of the dividing line thereby causing the recent border incidents.
In September 1949, the ROK requested the U.S. for tanks, heavy artillery and more ammunition. General Roberts, however, disapproved it stating that it would not safeguard ROK¡¯s security but instead would ¡®encourage an invasion of the North by the South Korean army.

In his letter to Rhee dated October 10, 1949, Dr. Robert T. Oliver, Rhee¡¯s personal representative in the U.S., mentioned ¡¦that ¡®On the question of attacking northward, it is very evident¡¦ that any such attack now, or even to talk about such attack, is to lose American official and public support and will weaken our position among other nations. .. The strong feeling in American official and public circle is that we should continue to lean way over backward to avoid any semblance of aggression, and make sure the blame for what happened is upon Russia. I can fully concur in your disgust. But to approach Truman or any other high officials now to suggest and attack across the 38th parallel would, I believe, be disastrous¡¯.

According to some experts, only two-thirds of the South Korean army of about 100,000 troops were armed with mostly unserviceable equipments and their replacement parts were in short supply on the eve of the Korean war because the U.S. had purposely limited the stock of ammunition.

5. Withdraw from or Abandon South Korea

Even before the establishment of the government of South Korea, some important U.S. officials were in favor of withdrawing from or abandoning South Korea. In May 1947, for example, General Hodge favored for a quicker withdrawal with minimum of bad effects. In September 1947, JCS reported that from the standpoint of military security, the U.S. had little strategic interest in maintaining present troops and bases in Korea. On November 7, 1947, Secretary of State Marshall stated: ¡®since the territory of Korea is not of decisive strategic importance to the U.S., our main task is to extricate ourselves without too great a loss of prestige¡¯.

In August 1948, Under Secretary of Army Draper stated: ¡®Since the State Department did not consider it sufficiently important to generate interest in South Korea¡¯s survival, it would be foolish to leave a substantial military investment in an area destined for Soviet domination¡¯.
In January 1949, even General Mac Arthur recommended to NSC for an American withdrawal from Korea no later than May 10, 1949. Emphatically opposing the idea of military protection of Korea, he stated that the longer the U.S. remains in Korea the greater the risk of being enforced to withdraw under pressure.
In March 1949, General Mac Arthur told British journalist G. Ward Price that the line of defense for the U.S. in the Pacific excluded both ROK and Taiwan.

On January 12, 1950, Acheson, in a speech to the National Press Club remarked that the American defensive perimeter runs along the Aleutians to Japan and then goes to the Ryukyus. He emphasized that other Asian nations needed to help themselves; and specifically mentioning South Korea, he stated that there existed a very good chance for successful resistance to communist expansion and it did not require an express pledge of American military protection.
Early in May 1950, Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Connally observed in an interview that ¡®whenever the Soviet Union takes a notion she can just overrun Korea just like she will probably overrun Formosa when she gets ready to do it¡¯. Since the fall of the ROK was inevitable and Korea was ¡®not absolutely essential¡¯, he believed the United States should prepare to abandon the peninsula.

6. U.S. Contingency Plan Prepared

It is, however, quite amazing to learn that as early as June 27, 1949, Truman¡¯s advisors and the Army Department prepared a memorandum containing detailed American alternatives in the face of an open assault across the 38th parallel. The following is a gist of the memorandum:

1) Three immediate course of possible actions in Korea
a) encourage South Korea for peaceful reunification through negotiations with the North
b) organize a Korean underground task force to operate in the North
c) periodic visits of American warships to South Korea
2) Other options available in case of open invasion from the North
a) North Korea would not attack South without Soviet and Chinese support
b) If the U.S. chose not to counter North¡¯s all out invasion, the ROK would be destroyed and the peninsula communized
c) The U.S., therefore, would have to take following actions in the event of an invasion:
i) evacuate all American citizens and military advisors from Korea
ii) refer the matter to the UN and request an emergency session of the Security Council (to make it ¡®international¡¯ and to avoid ¡®the onus of U.S. unilateral responsibility and action)
iii) dismiss undertaking a ¡®police action¡¯ with the U.S. sanction
iv) ¡®police action¡¯, however, is recommended only as a last resort alone and only with ¡®complete cooperation and full participation by other members¡¯
v) China might come to North¡¯s help and ¡®lead to a long and costly involvement of U.S. forces in an undeclared war¡¯

7. Actual U.S. Responses to North¡¯s Invasion

On the evening of June 24, 1950 (early morning of June 25 in Korea), press reports of the North Korean invasion arrived in Washington. Responding to a request for confirmation, Muccio cabled that ¡®it would appear from the nature of the attack ¡¦ that it constitutes an all-out offensive against the ROK.¡¯ The report was promptly relayed to Assistant Secretary of State Dean Rusk and to Secretary of Army Pace, Jr.

Rusk then notified Acheson, who was not in the capital over the weekend. The Secretary of State approved without hesitation Rusk¡¯s recommendation that the State Department begin to formulate a United Nations resolution dealing with the ¡®breach of peace¡¯ in Korea for consideration at an emergency session of the Security Council.
The same evening, Acheson telephoned to Truman, who was at his home in Independence. Acheson told Truman that he had requested an emergency session of the UN Security Council, at which he hoped to secure condemnation of the attack. Truman at once agreed with Acheson that the U.S. should provide help to South Korea only in conjunction with the UN. Truman also decided not to return to Washington immediately because he did not want to alarm people.
Before dawn on June 30 (Washington time), the JCS received Mac Arthur¡¯s report on his inspection of the battlefield situation in Korea. Without decisive action, Mac Arthur predicted, North Korea probably would conquer the entire peninsula. ¡®The only assurance for the holding of the present line, and the ability to regain later the lost ground, is through the introduction of U.S. ground combat forces into the Korean battle area.¡¯ Mac Arthur recommended immediate authorization for the dispatch of one regimental combat team to the front line and the introduction of two additional divisions as soon as practicable for use in a counteroffensive. A more limited American military operation, he warned, would be either ¡®needlessly costly in life, money, and prestige¡¯ or ¡®doomed to failure¡¯.

8. Did the U.S. Want a Korean War?

There are assertions that the unprovoked North Korean attack on the South had made American leaders to suddenly realize that it was not simply aimed at the goal of reunification but also intended to be the first step in the Soviet quest for world conquest and, within a few days, that realization led the administration to give up the restraint policy as advocated by Acheson in his Press Club speech and further to adopt a new strategy to meet the Soviet challenge for world domination.

These assertions, however, cannot plausibly answer the following questions:
1) Why the U.S. did not fully share with the South Korean government the intelligence reports on North Korea¡¯s military build-up in general and on the imminence of their attack in particular?
2) Why the U.S. did not provide the South with sufficient military equipments to defend itself against the North Korean assault, knowing that the South would not withstand the North¡¯s military strength?
3) Why the U.S. did not let the Soviet leaders know through appropriate channels that the U.S. intention was firm to defend the South against North¡¯s invasion?

As we have already looked into, the U.S. had even prepared a contingency plan to defend the South from the North Korean attack. Yet, the U.S. did not do anything in advance to prevent the war from happening. Instead, the U.S. gave a false signal to the world that it would not go to the rescue of the South even it the North attacked the South.

I don¡¯t have any physical evidence to prove that the U.S. had induced North Korea to attack the South. But, in my judgment, the U.S. perhaps did not do anything in advance to prevent the Korean War from happening because it actually wanted a Korean War to happen for the sake of U.S. national interests.

At the time, the Soviet influence was rapidly spreading in Europe and Asia. Truman and U.S. leaders thought it would be necessary to increase military expenditures in order to contain further communist expansion in the world. In the wake of war victory, however, American populace was eager to enjoy the pleasure of peace to the fullest extent. They were not seriously concerned about Soviet advances in other parts of the world. Under such circumstances, it was impossible for the administration and the Congress to take appropriate measures to strengthen military power of the country. They thought it would be ideal for turning around the general sentiment of American populace in favor of a firmer stance against communist expansion, if at some place in the world a communist initiated military crisis suddenly broke out.

Against such background, it would have been quite natural for the American leaders to look with keen interest at the situation in the divided Korean peninsula where each side was determined to attack the other. As it was considered most advisable that a crisis should occur with communist initiatives, Washington on several occasions adroitly implied that it would not come to the help of South Korea if and when a civil war broke out, while strenuously suppressing Seoul¡¯s desire for more armament. American leaders also thought that the South should initially be helplessly defeated by the North¡¯s assault, in order to justify and dramatize the effect of American participation in the Korean civil war and further to instigate strong anti-communistic sentiment among American populace

As the U.S. had anticipated, North Korea launched an all-out attack on the South; and as it had prepared in its contingency plan, the U.S. referred the matter to the UN which branded North¡¯s action as an act of aggression and authorized the U.S. to lead allied military operation and to repel North Korea from the South.
At this juncture, it may be recalled with interest that Dr. Oliver in his letter of October 10, 1949 told President Rhee that ¡®The strong feeling in American official and public circles is that we should continue to lean way over backward to avoid any semblance of aggression and make sure the blame for what happened is upon Russia.¡±
In fact, in October 1953, that is three months after the armistice was signed, Acheson quite indicatively disclosed in his comments that ¡®Korea moved a great many things from the realm of theory into the realm of actuality and urgency¡¯. He also confessed that ¡®the Korean war was in part an opportunity to adopt openly a policy urgently recommended in private for some months previously.¡¯

Finally, I would like to end my presentation by quoting what Albert Einstein told Dr. Channing Liem, a Princeton scholar who later became South Korean Ambassador to the U.N.: ¡®Great powers do not act on the basis of facts only but manufacture the facts to serve their purposes and force their will on smaller nations.¡¯[Source: MinjokTongSin 2007-02-02]

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Ushering in Heyday of Cause of Independent Reunification Urged
Pyongyang, January 4 (KCNA) -- Rodong Sinmun Thursday calls for adding brilliance to the June 15 era of reunification by forcefully accelerating the march toward independent reunification this year. The author of the article says: "Add brilliance to the June 15 reunification era by attaching importance to the nation, maintaining peace and achieving unity!" This is the slogan which the whole nation should uphold this year. It clearly indicates the fighting tasks the Korean nation should carry out in the new year.

"By our nation itself", the spirit of the June 15 era of reunification, is the most steadfast idea of attaching importance to the nation. The Korean nation should regard it as the strict rule to develop the inter-Korean relations and the reunification movement according to the idea of "By our nation itself".

The struggle to safeguard peace is a just patriotic struggle for defending the existence of the nation and its land of living. All the fellow countrymen should turn out as one man in the struggle to defend peace with death-defying will, staking the destiny of the cause of independent reunification and the security of the nation. All the Koreans in the north, the south and overseas should intensify the struggle to consolidate the achievements made in the patriotic movement for the great unity of the nation last year and boost the unity of the entire nation. This year, too, they should bring the atmosphere of national reconciliation and unity to a high tide and push it to independent reunification.

It is important to wage a relentless struggle against the south Korean conservative forces standing in the way of national unity. It is an entirely just and realistic patriotic initiative that the joint editorial put forward the three major tasks to attach importance to the nation, defend peace and achieve unity which the Korean nation should carry through in the new year. If these three tasks are fulfilled to the letter, a brighter prospect will spread in accomplishing the cause of peace and independent reunification this year.

All the Koreans should firmly defend and invariably implement the north-south joint declaration, whatever ordeals and difficulties they may face, thus adding shine to the June 15 era of reunification.